Irish peace initiative overwhelmingly supported in both north and south

Hotly contested Assembly vote likely to follow

The people of Ireland took a great leap toward healing the fractured spirit of that country on May 22, when those in both the republic and the north overwhelmingly ratified the Good Friday initiative.

Fears of a prevalent apathy among potential voters, born of more than 30 years of strife, were quickly dispelled on the morning of May 22. As the night sky gave way to morning light, many on both sides of the border were lined up at polling stations, ready to cast their votes. Exit polls began almost immediately after the morning opening, and the future of Ireland was soon apparent.

In spite of a bitter campaign against acceptance, led primarily by the Rev. Ian Paisley, the voters of Northern Ireland turned in a 71 percent vote in favor of the Good Friday accord. In the Republic of Ireland, the people offered an even more stunning endorsement, with nearly 95 percent opting for the "yes" choice.

When the votes were tallied, almost 99 percent of the Catholic population in Ulster registered a yes vote, while 58 percent of the Protestant community backed the initiative.

What the vote means is that in principle, the collective will of the people will determine the resolution of the conflict that has long stained Irish soil with blood. More than 3,200 deaths are attributed to the modern troubles.

There was tempered concern in the waning days of the "yes" campaign that a substantial number of Protestant unionists in the North would be persuaded to turn against the pact. Besides Paisley, some notable deputies of the Ulster Unionist Party had fled the shadow of David Trimble, proclaiming their support for those in opposition to the pact. A rally led by British Prime Minister Tony Blair, combined with the massive "yes" crusade that had inundated voters for three weeks prior to the election, prevented any such calamity from occurring. In fact, they subsidized the unionist patronage Trimble needed.

Blair had flown into Belfast from London in the days prior to the referendum, and upon being informed of the results, he declared May 22 to be a "day of joy" for the people of Ireland. Continuing his comments, he said that in the future those who make their case with violence will do so in defiance of the wishes of the people.

And it was indeed the voices of the people that truly mattered on a historic day unlike any Ireland has witnessed since 1921. Devon, a Catholic resident of North Belfast, commented on the momentous vote, which only months ago seemed unlikely at best, and impossible at worst: "Give them [politicians] their due ... they brought the possibility of peace to us. And give the people credit, they voted yes. We knew that if we didn't get it right now, we'd probably never see peace. At least not in my lifetime."

The war-battered communities on both sides of the divide have suffered appalling losses in the seemingly ancient struggle, and the Belfast resident supposes that the eyes of both Catholic and Protestant had seen enough: "In the end, I guess that we knew that this was the only way. Yes, my community [nationalist] has suffered over the years ... as have the unionists. But we have to resolve this peacefully. And together. The gun is gone from politics here ... hopefully for good." Indicative of the desire of the citizens of the North is that more than 80 percent of the electorate cast their votes.

Locally, the vote in the North seems to have been driven by a desire by the people not only to dry-dock the paramilitary groups, but also to realize a sense of normalcy not often enjoyed in Northern Ireland. "The troops, the checkpoints, and all of fear. All the years of it. Done," said Devon.

Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, the man who is widely credited with fostering and often shouldering the peace strategy within the republican ranks, said that the day of the vote was "a great day" and that May 22 was a beginning, not an end. "We have a lot of work to do. This is a great hope, and we have to deliver on that hope."

Adams, already peering ahead to the assembly vote, which is scheduled for June 25, offered the proverbial olive branch to the unionists who still refuse to speak to members of Sinn Fein. "We will talk to anyone at any time."

Another figure who has earned a considerable degree of esteem in the last 22 months is David Ervine, the head of the Progressive Unionist Party. A former loyalist paramilitary, Ervine was instrumental in dissolving the intransigence often prevalent within unionism. Commenting on the vote, Ervine said, "It is sinister for any to believe that a Protestant vote should matter more than a Catholic vote."

The presence of paramilitaries, some of whom are afforded near-legendary status within their respective circles, was crucial to forging acceptance of the proposal in many minds.

At the Sinn Fein Ardfheis in mid-May, the presence of the Balcombe Street Four escalated an already charged atmosphere into an emotionally drenched scene. The four men have been incarcerated since 1975, and have been imprisoned longer than any other political prisoners of the troubles. They were granted a four-day pass from Portlaoise Prison to bolster the "yes" vote, and their presence at the Sinn Fein conference very likely cemented the pro sentiment within republicanism.

Likewise, the unionists took a cue from their counterparts and secured a release for Michael Stone, a notorious loyalist assassin who unleashed a killing spree in Milltown Cemetery in 1984. Stone, also on a temporary furlough from prison, urged a gathering of unionists at the Belfast City Center to cast their lots for change.

In the Republic of Ireland, the overwhelming support indicated that the people there, many of whom feel no inherent connection to the battleground of the North, were anxious to renounce any constitutional or territorial claim to the six Northern Counties.

Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, in the wake of the consensus, said that he expected full participation in the cabinet by all of the parties who accepted the Good Friday resolution. "The work of implementing the agreement starts right now."

Such work will begin with election campaigning, which is expected to be quite fierce. At stake are positions in the 108-member Northern Assembly, the core of which will be a ten-member executive committee. Some early predictions are that the Ulster Unionist Party will secure four of the seats; the Social Democratic Labour Party, three; Sinn Fein, two; and the Democratic Unionist Party, one.

Then there is the matter of decommissioning, which has long been a contentious aspect of the negotiation process. Unionists are already clamoring for a requirement that the IRA begin relinquishing some of its arsenal of weapons as a condition for admission of Sinn Fein to the executive committee. The IRA, however, made it clear, in a statement released last month, that decommissioning is an internal Provisional matter, and that they will do so only when sufficient and like efforts are demanded of the British Army and the loyalist paramilitaries.